Nursing Jobs Specialties Essay

Good morning, my name is Annamaria Amodei. I was born in Florence Italy and lived there for 20 years. I then came to New York in 1981. In the last 30 years I went through lots of changes in my life and in my careers. I grew older and wiser by going through a marriage, 3 wonderful children, a divorce and a several jobs within several different sectors of industries, from restaurant manager and owner to medical billing therefore dealing with the public at all times. In the mid 90s I decided to return to school and because my interest was in health I enrolled in a 2 year nutrition program receiving an associated degree in dietetics in 2000. Instead of applying my degree to a job in nutrition, I become a co-owner of a surgical supply store which has kept me occupied for the past 10 years. I’ve been again involved with the public, this time a very different one. The people I see are mostly physically sick, handicapped or in some kind of physical pain They were coming into my store because they knew that I could help them with my knowledge, experience and a deep will to help others. I found myself helping one person after another and I realized that helping others gave me a lot of joy, because I knew that I was able to make a difference in someone’s life. So about a year ago I decided to go further with my studies. I searched for a program to fulfill my needs and a school that would offer excellent training. That is why I applied to D’Youville College where I’m going to start my nursing education in January 2011. I have so much love in me and so much compassion to give that I cannot think of a better way to share that with other people than to care for them as a nurse. I want to impact people’s lives whether it’s just for a second, a moment or a lifetime. I want to be that nurse that cannot only be just a nurse, but can also be a friend to her patients. A nurse can touch lives in so many different ways and aspects. The purpose of a nurse is to fulfill his/her job in different areas of people’s lives and situations, and because we all ail in different ways. A nurse is trained to make sure that each patient is comfortable no matter what is the nature of their illness. I ruely believe that if you are a good nurse you will find satisfaction in your patient’s recovery and it is a nurse’s obligation to treat all patients with the utmost respect as well as to maintain their dignity at all times. A nurse has to be knowledgeable enough to understand each patient’s situation as an individual and attend to their needs accordingly because every case is so different and unique. That is why I strongly believe that educat ion and experience are very important keys for a nurse to master her/his profession. There are many other ways that a nurse with a bachelor or a master degree in USA can find employment outside the hospitals settings. Community Health Nurses – Usually this type of nurses work for the government, towns, cities and also non-profit agencies. Their job is to inform the public about how to avoid health risks, how to achieve a healthier lifestyle including principals of good nutrition and the basics of physical fitness. They often address a certain segment of population, such as children or elderly, and they usually will be doing public speaking at schools, churches, community groups, etc. Prison-Jail Nursing – This is another way a nurse can give her services to a population that unfortunately is growing and they also have a lot of health problems and they require the proper attention. It takes a special kind of nurse to work in a correction facility and they probably have had many prior opportunities to experience nursing before beginning a prison nursing career. Managed Care Nursing – Is another way that a nurse can find employment. More and more people are having health insurance and a lot of health problems, so the cost of healthcare is skyrocketing. HMO’s, Medicare Medicaid and other private insurance companies are hiring nurses directly to work for them. Managed care nurses serve both patients and their employers providing quality health care for more people by educating their clients in prevention and healthy lifestyles, and looking for different health care delivery in order to keep the cost of insurances down. Nursing Educator –. Because of the increasing nurseing shortage, the demand for nurse educators is becoming very popular. Nurses with a master degree and several years of experience who love their profession combined with a love for teaching and the passion for sharing their knowledge are perfect for this kind of job. Missionary Nurses –There are many organization and agencies providing support and relief to third world countries. If you want to help people less fortunate than yourself and you don’t mind spending time overseas, there is no better way to do that than putting all your knowledge and skills to work for these agencies and organizations. School Nursing – Private or public schools are employing more nurses than ever before because today there are more kids enrolled in school than ever and with more special needs. A school nurse needs to love working with kids and adolescents. Pain Management Nursing – For this kind of nursing a master degree is required. Many nurses in this field work with cancer patients, in homes, hospitals or with Hospice. In the past few years there have been tremendous advances in understanding pain, measuring its intensity and responding with appropriate doses of medication. Administrative Nursing – This kind of nurses work in large medical clinics, legal firms and big companies. If you have talent for managing people and enjoy working in an administrative position and you‘ve got good office and people skills, this is also a very good nursing career. This position requires a master degree and some experience. Substance Abuse Nursing – Alcohol and drugs are unfortunately a growing number in today’s society. These nurse work with people who are struggling with addition. Many of them work in detox and rehab clinics. They help people to safely end their addition and try to work with them on the cause of the problem and help them overcome and build a drug and alcohol resistance. This nursing career can be very frustrating at times due to the power that these additions have over people, leading to many relapses. But for a nurse who really wants to improve people’s lives this is an admirable career. Temp Nursing – Many nurses choose not to work for a single facility and they associate with one of the many temporary nurses stuffing agency across the country. This is a very flexible kind of work, they can choose to work or not in a particular place. Some agency specializes in travel nursing which means that a nurse could work several weeks from Los Angeles to New York and even in Hawaii. The housing is paid for and this is an excellent opportunity for single people. If you are a nurse that wants lots of flexibility then a temp nurse is an excellent career choice. Nurses are also needed in all branches of the military. Some of them become hospice nurses dedicated to care for those that are terminally ill and during their last days of life. The world of nursing career is wide open and new job descriptions are being created all the time as nurses responds to a rapidly changing world. A career in nursing has endless opportunities and that is why I’m much exited to start this program. I would like to thank Dr. Mariano (and Dr. Lewis) for giving me the opportunity to speak to you about why and how I decided at my stage in life to change careers and become a nurse I also want to thank all of you for listening this morning. I wish you the best in your journey through medical school Ciao

Against Anti †Social Activities Essay

Antisocial behaviour: the construction of a crime Now the New Labour government has revealed its ‘respect’ agenda, the problem of ‘antisocial behaviour’ has moved to the forefront of political debate. But what is it? by Stuart Waiton ‘Antisocial: opposed to the principles on which society is constituted.’ (Oxford English Dictionary, 1885). ‘Antisocial: contrary to the laws and customs of society; causing annoyance and disapproval in others: children’s antisocial behaviour.’ (Oxford English Dictionary, 1989). ‘Antisocial behaviour’ is used as a catch-all term to describe anything from noisy neighbours and graffiti to kids hanging out on the street. Indeed, it appears that almost any kind of unpleasant behaviour is now categorised as antisocial, with the behaviour of children and young people most often labelled as such (1). This expresses a growing perception that the ‘laws and customs of society’ are being undermined by rowdy youngsters. Yet the term ‘antisocial behaviour’ was rarely used until the 1990s. Throughout the 1980s a couple of articles a year were printed in the UK discussing antisocial behaviour, whereas in January 2004 alone ther e were over 1,000 such articles (2). Not even the most pessimistic social critic would suggest a parallel increase in problem behaviour. Indeed, in recent years there has been a slight fall in actual vandalism, for example, against a dramatic increase in newspaper mentions of antisocial behaviour (3). When looking at the issue of antisocial behaviour, the starting point for most commentators is to accept that the problem exists and to then work out why people are more antisocial today. The ‘collapse of communities’ is often seen as a key influence in the rise of antisocial behaviour, with young people growing up without positive role models and a framework within which to develop into sociable adults. This idea of the loss of a sense of community – or indeed of ‘society’ – rings true. We are indeed more atomised and individuated today, and there are fewer common bonds that hold people together and give them a ‘social identity’. It is less clear, however, that this necessarily means people are increasingly out of control, antisocial and on the road to criminality. Alternatively you could argue that this fragmentation of communities and of social values has helped foment a ‘culture of fear’ (4) – a culture that elevates what were previously understood as petty problems into socially significant ones. This essay examines the construction of the social problem of antisocial behaviour, by focusing, not on the behaviour of young people, but on the role of the political elite. It may be understandable for a tenants’ association or local councillor to be engaged by the issue of noisy neighbours and rowdy children – but for the prime minister to prioritise this issue as one of his main concerns for the future of the nation seems rather strange. What is it that has put ‘antisocial behaviour’ so high up on the political agenda? Constructing crime as a social problem When introducing laws against antisocial behaviour, curfews, and new crime initiatives, the New Labour government invariably asserts that these are in response to the concerns of the public. While there is undoubtedly a high level of public anxiety about crime and about the various problems and irritations now described as antisocial behaviour, this anxiety is clearly shaped by the concerns of the political elite. It is also worth noting that when the government highlights particular ‘social problems’ as being significant for society, it puts other issues and outlooks on the back burner. The elevation of crime and, more recently, antisocial behaviour, into a political issue has helped both to reinforce the significance given to this kind of behaviour and to frame the way social problems are understood. By defining antisocial behaviour as a major social problem, the political elite has, over the past decade, helped to generate a spiralling preoccupation with the petty behaviour of young people. At no time in history has the issue of crime as a social problem in and of itself been so central to all of the political parties in the UK – and yet, there has been a significant statistical fall in crime itself. The key difference between the moral panics over crime and social disorder in the past and anxiety about crime and disorder today is that this anxiety has now been institutionalised by the political elite. Up until the 1970s the political elite, as distinct from individual politicians and the media, generally challenged or dismissed the panics associated with youth crime and subsequently held in check the effects they had. In opposing certain calls for more laws and regulations on society, more reactionary ways of understanding these problems were often rejected and the insti tutionalisation of measures that help create new norms were equally opposed. For example, while the moral panic that arose in the media around the Mods and Rockers in the 1960s has been widely discussed thanks to Stanley Cohen’s famous study Folk Devils and Moral Panics, first published in 1972 (5), these concerns were marginal to politicians, and never became an organising principle of political life. More recently, however, the political elite has panicked and legislated on the strength of extreme one-off events, like for example the Dunblane shootings in 1996, which resulted in the banning of handguns, or the killing of Victoria Climbie in 2000, which led to legislation requiring schools to organise around child protection. An important consequence of the institutionalisation of anxiety is that in contrast to the intermittent moral panics of the past, panics are now an almost permanent feature of society. And whereas moral panics – particularly before the 1990s – were generated within a traditional conservative moral framework, today i t is the new ‘amoral’ absolute of safety within which they tend to develop. Politicising crime The politicisation of crime can be dated back to the 1970s, with the 1970 Conservative government being the first to identify itself explicitly as the party of law and order. As crime developed as a political issue through the 1970s, however, it was fiercely contested. When Conservatives shouted ‘law and order’, the left would reject the idea that crime was increasing or was a social problem in and of itself, pointing instead to the social problems thought to underlie it. Significant sections of the left, influenced in part by radical criminologists in the USA, challenged the ‘panics’ – as they saw them – promoted by the so-called New Right. They questioned the official statistics on crime, challenging the ‘labelling’ of deviants by ‘agents of social control’, and attacked the moral and political basis of these panics (6). Thus, the idea that crime was a broader ‘social problem’ remained contested. Crime b ecame a political issue at a time when there was an increase in serious political and social conflicts, following the more consensual political framework of the postwar period. Unemployment and strikes increased, as did the number of political demonstrations, and the conflict in Ireland erupted. In contrast to the current concern about crime and antisocial behaviour, which emerged in the 1990s, the New Right under Margaret Thatcher promoted crime as a problem very much within a traditional ideological framework. In 1988, Alan Phipps described the Tory approach to crime like this: ‘Firstly, it became conflated with a number of other issues whose connection was continually reinforced in the public mind – permissiveness, youth cultures, demonstrations, public disorders, black immigration, student unrest, and trade union militancy. Secondly, crime – by now a metaphorical term invoking the decline of social stability and decent values – was presented as only one aspect of a bitter harvest for which Labour’s brand of social democracy and welfarism was responsible.’ (7) As part of a political challenge to Labourism in the 1970s and 80s, Conservative prime minister Margaret Thatcher developed an authoritarian approach to the ‘enemy with in’, which attributed greater political significance to criminality than its effects on victims. Despite an increase in the financial support to the Victim Support schemes in the late 1980s, victims of crime were themselves often used politically, ‘paraded’ by Conservative politicians and by sections of the media as symbols of disorder, not as the central focus of law and order policy or rhetoric itself. Sociologist Joel Best describes a process of typification, whereby an often extreme example of crime is used to define a more general perceived problem (8). The ‘typical’ criminals of the 1970s and 1980s were the violent trade union militant and the young black mugger. Traditional British values and individual freedoms were contrasted to the collectivist, promiscuous values of the ‘enemy within’ (9). Even burglars were understood as being part of the ‘something for nothing society’. Here the ‘criminal’, whether the trade union member, the mugger or the burglar, far from being a victim of circumstance, was an enemy of the state, and, importantly, the damage being done was not primarily to the victim of crime but to the moral values of society as a whole. ‘Social control’ and ‘public order’ were promoted within both a political and moral framework in which the deviant in question was likewise understood to have certain political or moral traits that needed to be confronted. Where the petty criminal acts of children were mentioned, the target was not simply this behaviour itself, nor the impact it had on individuals, but rather the ‘soft liberal’ moral values – held by teachers and social workers – that it was argued were undermining British Victorian values of discipline and hard work. In keeping with this, Thatcher saw the responsibility for cutting crime not simply as that of the government or police, but also of the public, who, it was argued, should take action to defend themselves. Go directly to jail ‘The demand for law and order, which at first sight appears to attempt a restoration of moral standards, actually acknowledges and acquiesces in their collapse. Law and order comes to be seen as the only effective deterrent in a society that no longer knows the difference between right and wrong.’ (Christopher Lasch, Haven in a Heartless World, 1977.) American sociologist Christopher Lasch identified key developments in the USA in the 1970s. In the UK, while an increasing emphasis on law and order reflected a certain weakening of the political elite’s grip on society, crime had been understood in largely ideological and political terms. Thatcher used the issue of crime in the battle against Labourism and welfarism. By the early 1990s, however, things were changing fast. John Major’s desperate and ultimately failed attempt to revitalise the political dynamic of the Conservatives with his ‘Back to Basics’ campaign in 1993 demonstrated the Toriesà ¢â‚¬â„¢ inability to develop a political direction that engaged both the elite and the electorate, and it was at this point that the politics of crime took on a new, less ideological, but even more authoritarian character. The issue of ‘persistent young offenders’ became a political issue and a recognised ‘social problem’ in 1992 and exploded as an issue of concern in 1993. The ‘violent trade union militant’ was now replaced by this ‘persistent young offender’ as the ‘typical’ criminal, and, as then home secretary Michael Howard explained, ‘self-centred†¦young hoodlums’ would ‘no longer be able to use age’ as a way of hiding from the law (10). It is important to note that under Thatcher, despite the ‘most consistent, vitriolic and vindictive affront to justice and welfare’ in general, the criminal justice approach to young people developed under principles that resulted in ‘diversion, decriminalisation and decarceration in policy and practice with children in trouble’ (11). Despite the tough rhetoric with regard to adult crime, the Thatcher administration maintained a pragmatic and even progressive policy towards young offenders. Under John Major this all changed. The enemy within became ‘minors rather than the miners’ (12). With the end of the contestation between right and left, and the resulting decline in the ideological politicisation of crime, the direct control and regulation of the population substantially increased, and between 1993 and 1995 there was a 25 per cent increase in the number of people imprisoned (13). Politically-based authoritarianism was replaced by a more reactive ‘apolitical’ authoritarianism which was directed less at the politics and moral values of the organised labour movement and other enemies within, than at the more psychologically-framed behaviour of individuals. ‘Antisocial behaviour’ now began to be recognised as a significant ‘social problem’ around which new laws and institutional practices could be developed. Following Lasch, it appears that by 1993 law and order had come to be seen as the only effective resource for a political elite that no longer knew the difference between right and wrong. Rather than using the fight against crime in an effort to shape the moral and political outlook of adults in society, the Conservative government increasingly opted simply to lock people up, thus acknowledging and acquiescing in its own political and moral collapse. Cultures of crime As part of the growing preoccupation with the ‘underclass’, the floundering Major government also attacked what he described as a ‘yob culture’. This identification of an alien, criminal culture had developed in the late 1980s, as crime panics began to move away from concerns with the organised working class and shifted on to the behaviour of ‘hooligans’ and ‘lager louts’. The criminalisation of the working class, by the early 1990s, was framed not in political terms, but increasingly as an attack on the imagined ‘cultures’ of alien groups. These aliens were no longer black outsiders or militants, but white, working class, and young, who could be found not on demonstrations but in pubs and estates across the UK. The door was now open for an attack on the personal behaviour and habits of anyone seen to be acting in an ‘antisocial’ manner. The idea of there being alternative ‘cultures’, expressed by conservative thinkers at this time, implied that significant sections of the public were no longer open to civilising influences. However, and somewhat ironically, within criminological theory, this idea of impenetrable cultures had developed from radicals themselves back in the 1970s. Stanley Cohen and the cultural studies groups of the Birmingham Centre had been the first to identify youth cultures and deviant subcultures as specific types of people existing within a ‘different life-world’. At a time of greater political radicalism, these groups were credited with positive ‘difference’. With the decline of radical thought these imagined cultures were rediscovered in the 1990s, but this time were seen as increasingly problematic (14). In reality, the growing preoccupation with ‘cultures’ – for example the discovery of a ‘knife culture’ in 1992 – was a reflection of a loss of belief in politics as a way of understanding and resolving wider social problems. With the loss of ideologically based politics on the right and the left, reflected in the r ise of New Labour, the problem of crime became increasingly understood as a problem of and for individuals. New Labour, New Social Problems ‘What my constituents see as politics has changed out of all recognition during the 20 years or so since I first became their Member of Parliament. From a traditional fare of social security complaints, housing transfers, unfair dismissals, as well as job losses, constituents now more often than not ask what can be done to stop their lives being made a misery by the unacceptable behaviour of some neighbours, or more commonly, their neighbours’ children. The Labour MP Frank Field, in his book Neighbours from Hell: The Politics of Behaviour (2003), explained how politics had become a matter of regulating behaviour. Field neglected to ask himself whether poor housing and a lack of opportunities are no longer problems, or whether his constituents have simply lost faith in politicians’ ability to do anything about them. Similarly, Field ignored the role the Labour Party itself played in reducing politics to questions of noisy neighbours and rowdy youngsters, and the wa y in which New Labour in the 1990s helped to repose ‘traditional’ social concerns around issues of crime and disorder. A more fragmented and atomised public was undoubtedly subject to a ‘culture of fear’, but the role of New Labour was central to the promotion of concerns related to antisocial behaviour. Under Tony Blair, crime became a central issue for the Labour Party, especially after Blair’s celebrated ‘tough on crime, tough on the causes of crime’ speech in 1994. This ended any major political opposition to the recently reposed ‘social problem’ of crime. A key ‘right’ for New Labour now became the ‘right’ to be, and to feel, safe. By 1997 the New Labour manifesto was strikingly confrontational around the issues of crime and antisocial behaviour. As the Guardian newspaper noted in April of that year: ‘There are areas where Neil Kinnock’s manifesto barely ventured. In 1992, crime, for instance, rated five paragraphs and mainly concentrated on improving street lighting. Now law and order rates two pages with the n ow familiar â€Å"zero tolerance† strategies and child curfews fighting for room next to pledges to early legislation for a post-Dunblane ban on all handguns. Such policies seemed unthinkable five years ago. However, in this case, Blair’s â€Å"radicalism† – with its social authoritarian tinge – may play better with the centre rather than the Left.’ Freed from the politics of welfarism and the labour movement, New Labour in the early 1990s reoriented its approach to the politics of crime, not only accepting that crime was a key social problem in and of itself, but also in expanding it to include the non-criminal antisocial behaviour of ‘neighbours from hell’ and ‘antisocial youth’. With the prioritisation of crime and antisocial behaviour came a focus upon the emotional reaction of victims, reflected in the concern with the fear of crime. ‘Tackling the epidemic of crime and disorder’ was now a ‘top priority for Labour in government’ and ‘securing people’s physical security and freeing them from the fear of crime and disorder’ was described as the ‘greatest liberty government c an guarantee’ (15). Liberty was transformed from the active freedom of individuals, to the protection given to them by government and the police. In contrast to the social and economic framework within which crime had been largely understood by the ‘active’ labour movement in the 1980s, New Labour now addressed the problems of crime and disorder with reference to a more passive, disorganised and fragmented public. As the government took a more direct approach to tackling crime in its own terms, so the issue expanded to consume problems that previously had been understood in more political terms. Accordingly, social, economic and political solutions were replaced by attempts to regulate the behaviour of both criminals and antisocial neighbours and children. Imprisonment, antisocial behaviour orders and more intense forms of behaviour management of parents and children increasingly became the political solution offered by New Labour to these problems. Engaged by safety The term ‘community safety’ did not exist until the late 1980s, but has subsequently become a core strategic category around which local authorities and national government have developed community-based policies. Community safety is not about crime as such, but is more broadly about the fear of crime and of petty antisocial acts, especially committed by young people, and thought to undermine communities’ sense of security. Here the loss of ‘community’ that has been generated by such major social shifts as the defeat of the old Labour movement and the weakening of the postwar institutional welfare framework has been reinterpreted as a problem of mischievous children creating fear across society. An important watershed in the organisation of society around the issues of safety was then shadow home secretary Jack Straw’s notorious attack in 1995 on the ‘aggressive begging of winos, addicts and squeegee merchants’ (16). Only a year ea rlier, Straw had accused John Major of ‘climbing into the gutter alongside the unfortunate beggars’ when the prime minister had made seemingly similar comments (17). There was an important difference, however. Major and his chancellor Kenneth Clarke had attacked beggars as dole scroungers – ‘beggars in designer jeans’ who receive benefits and ‘think it is perfectly acceptable to add to their income by begging’. Still understanding crime through the political prism of welfarism, Clarke saw begging as a criminal act that defrauded the benefit system. In his later attack on beggars, Jack Straw redefined the issue. For Straw the problem was not the crime of begging or the political or economic problem of benefit fraud, but the disorderly and intimidating behaviour of the aggressive beggar, which was understood to increase the fear of crime and help to undermine society’s sense of wellbeing (18). Jack Straw believed that the Tories had failed to understand the significance of street disorder as a cause of the fear of crime, the ‘loutish behaviour and incivility’ that made the streets ‘uncomfor table, especially for women and black and Asian people’ (19). The issue for New Labour was not the political question of benefit fraud, but the emotional sense of security of a newly discovered vulnerable public. By the time the election year of 1997 came around the soon to be prime minister, Tony Blair, had elaborated on the typical beggar. This was not a man quietly scrounging money off the public, but the often drunken ‘in your face’ lout who would, ‘push people against a wall and demand money effectively with menace’ (20). No figures for the rise in bullying beggars were given, but Tony Blair noted that he himself sometimes felt frightened when he dropped his children off at King’s Cross in London – a notorious area for ‘winos’, prostitutes and ‘aggressive beggars’. Straw, using a well-worn feminist slogan, demanded that we ‘reclaim the streets’ – streets that had been ‘brutalised’ by beggars and graffiti vandals. The radical creation of victimhood Because much of this rhetoric of intimidation, abuse and the collapse of communities has its origins in the radical school of criminology, Labour politicians felt able to employ it without embarrassment. In the late 1980s, left-wing and feminist criminologists had a significant influence on Labour-run inner-city councils, carrying out victim surveys, and sitting on a number of council boards particularly within the Greater London Council. Developing out of the radical framework of the early 1970s, a number of such criminologists had become disillusioned with the fight for political and social change and, rather than challenging the focus on crime as an expression of class prejudice as they once might have, increasingly identified crime as a major issue, particularly for the poor, women and blacks who were now conceived of as ‘victims’ of crime. Instead of identifying with and engaging its constituency in terms of politics and public matters, the left sought a new relatio nship with the poor and oppressed based on their private fears and their sense of powerlessness. Identifying fear as a major factor in the disaggregation of these communities, the so-called ‘left realists’ noted that it was not only crime but the non-criminal harassment of women and petty antisocial behaviour of young people that was the main cause of this fear among victimised groups (21). The identification of harassed victims of antisocial behaviour rose proportionately with the declining belief in the possibility of radical social change. As the ‘active’ potential of the working class to ‘do’ something about the New Right declined, Jock Young and other realists uncovered the vulnerable ‘done to’ poor. Discussing the shift in Labour councils from radicalism to realism, Young noted that: ‘The recent history of radical criminology in Britain has involved a rising influence of feminist and anti-racist ideas and an encasement of left-wing Labour administrations in the majority of the inner-city Town Halls. An initial ultra -leftism has been tempered and often transformed by a prevalent realism in the wake of the third consecutive defeat of the Labour Party on the national level and severe defeats with regards to â€Å"rate capping† in terms of local politics. The need to encompass issues which had a widespread support among the electorate, rather than indulge in marginal or â€Å"gesture† politics included the attempt to recapture the issue of law and order from the right.’ (22) Indeed, crime and the fear of it became so central to Young’s understanding of the conditions of the working class that, on finding that young men’s fear of crime was low – despite their being the main victims of crime – he argued that they had a false consciousness. Rather than trying to allay women’s fears about the slim chance of serious crime happening to them, Young asked whether it ‘would not be more advisable to attempt to raise the fear of crime of young men rather than to lower that of other parts of the public?’. For the first time, it was safety that began to frame the relationship between the local authority and the public, expressing a shift from a social welfare model of that relationship to one of protection. The significance of the left realists and feminists at this time is that they were the first people systematically to redefine large sections of the working class as ‘victims’, and thus helped to reorient Labour local authorities towards a relationship of protection to the public at the expense of the newly targeted antisocial youth. It is this sense of the public as fundamentally vulnerable, coupled with the disengagement of the Labour Party from its once active constituency within the working class and the subsequent sense of society being out of control, that has informed the development of New Labour’s antisocial behaviour initiatives. Issues related to inner-city menace, crime and what was now labelled antisocial behaviour, which had been identified as social problems by conservative thinkers periodically for over a century, now engaged the Labour Party. Increasingly for New Labour, having abandoned extensive socioeconomic intervention, the problem of the disaggregation of communities and the subsequent culture of fear that grew out of the 1980s was identified as a problem of crime, disorder and more particularly the antisocial behaviour of young people. The Hamilton Curfew and the politics of fear The development of the politics of antisocial behaviour was accelerated in 1997 when the first ‘curfew’ in the UK was set up in a number of housing estates in Hamilton in the west of Scotland. Introduced by a Labour council, this was a multi-agency initiative involving the notoriously ‘zero tolerance’ Strathclyde Police and the council’s social work department. The curfew that followed was officially called the Child Safety Initiative. This community safety approach reflected a number of the trends identified above. Rather than tackling crime as such, the initiative was supposed to tackle the broader, non-criminal problem of antisocial behaviour, in order to keep the community free from crime and also, significantly, free from the fear of crime (23). The rights of people in the community promoted by this initiative were not understood in terms of a libertarian notion of individual freedoms, nor within a welfarist conception of the right to jobs and se rvices. Rather it was ‘the right to be safe’ and the ‘right to a quiet life’ that Labour councillors promoted. Without a collective framework within which to address social problems, and concomitantly without a more robust sense of the active individual, a relationship of protection was posited between the local authority and the communities in question. Talk of ‘rights and responsibilities’ implied the right of vulnerable individuals to be and feel safe, not by being active in their own community but rather by either keeping their children off the streets, or by phoning the police whenever they felt insecure. Advocates of the Child Safety Initiative identified all sections of the community as being at risk – children were at risk simply by being unsupervised; adults were at risk from teenagers who hung about the streets; and young people were at risk from their peers, who could, by involving one another in drink, drugs and crime, ‘set patterns’ for the rest of their lives, as the head of the social work department argued. Even those teenagers involved in anti social and criminal activities were understood as an ‘at risk’ group – the ‘juvenile delinquents’ of the past were thus recast as ‘vulnerable teenagers’ who needed protection from each other. The centrality of the concern with victims of crime, which has developed since the Hamilton curfew was first introduced, is reflected within the curfew itself. In effect all sections of the public were understood to be either victims or vulnerable, potential victims of their neighbours and of local young people. The legitimacy of the police and the local authority was based not on a wider ideological, political or moral platform, but simply on their ability to protect these victims. The politics of antisocial behaviour lacks any clear ideological or moral framework, and therefore it has no obvious constituency. In fact, the basis of the Child Safety Initiative was the weakness of community. Rather than being derived from a politically engaged public, the authority of the council and the police was assumed, or ‘borrowed’, from that public in the guise of individual victims. Accordingly, the police in Hamilton constantly felt under pressure to show that the potential victi ms they were protecting – especially the young people who were subject to the curfew – supported what they were doing. Of course, nobody has a monopoly on borrowed authority. A number of children’s charities similarly took it upon themselves to speak for the children, arguing that the curfew infringed their ‘rights’ and coming up with alternative surveys showing that young people opposed the use of curfews. There was little effort to make a substantial political case against the curfew, however. In fact, ‘child-friendly’ groups and individuals tended to endorse the presentation of young people and children as fundamentally vulnerable potential victims, and some opposed the curfew only on the basis that children would be forced back into the home where they were even more likely to be abused. Just as Blair was put on the defensive over his attack on aggressive begging by charities campaigning for the rights of the victimised homeless, so the curfew exposed the authorities to charges of ‘harassing’ or ‘bullying’ young people. Since the curfew w as justified precisely on the basis of protecting young people from these things, the charge was all the more damaging. This was more than a tricky PR issue: it demonstrated a fundamental problem with the politics of antisocial behaviour. In presenting the public as vulnerable and in need of protection, the state transformed the basis of its own authority from democratic representation to a more precarious quasi-paternalism; in effect it became a victim protection agency. The very social atomisation and lack of political cohesion that underlies the politics of antisocial behaviour means that the authority of the state is constantly in question, despite the fact that its assumptions about the vulnerability of the public are widely shared. As such, the Hamilton curfew gave concrete expression to the attempt to re-engage a fragmented public around the issue of safety, and the difficulties this throws up. Criminalising mischief In contrast to the pragmatic approach of past political elites to the issue of crime and occasional panics about delinquent youth, the current elite has come to see crime, the fear of crime and antisocial behaviour as major ‘social problems’. With the emergence of New Labour in the 1990s any major political opposition to the issue of crime as a key social problem has disappeared and its centrality to political debate and public discourse was established. Under New Labour, however, the concerns being addressed and the ‘social problems’ being defined are less to do with crime and criminals than with annoying children and noisy neighbours. These petty irritations of everyday life have been relabelled ‘antisocial behaviour’, something which is understood to be undermining both individuals’ and society’s sense of well being. At its most ridiculous extreme what we are witnessing is the criminalisation of mischief (24). Basil Curley, Manc hester council’s housing executive, told the Guardian: ‘Yes, we used to bang on doors when we were young. But there used to be badger-baiting once, too. It’s different now, isn’t it? Things are moving on; people want to live differently.’ (25) This casual comparison of children playing ‘knocky door neighbour’ with the brutality of badger-baiting tells us nothing about young people, but indicates that what has changed is the adult world with an inflated sense of vulnerability driving all antisocial behaviour initiatives. For New Labour the problem of the disaggregation of communities and the subsequent culture of fear that grew out of the 1980s was located within politics as a problem of crime and disorder. Devoid of a sense of social progress, in the 1990s it was the political elites – both right and left – who became the driving force for reinterpreting social problems within a framework of community safety. Lacking any coherent political direction, the government has both reacted to and reinforced panics about crime and disorder, institutionalising practices and initiatives based upon society’s sense of fear and anxiety. In an attempt both to regulate society and to reengage the public, over the past eight years New Labour has subsequently encouraged communities to participate in and organise around a raft of safety initiatives. Despite the fall in the official crime statistics society’s sense of insecurity has remained endemic and no ‘sense of community’ has been re-established, much to the government’s frustration. However, rather than recognising that constructing a society around the issue of safety has only helped to further the public’s sense of insecurity, New Labour is becoming ever more reactive and developing more and more policies to regulate a growing range of ‘antisocial’ activities and forms of behaviour. By thrashing around for solutions to the ‘politics of behaviour’ in this way, the government is helping to fuel the spiral of fear and alienation across society. Rather than validating the more robust active side of our character, validation is given to the most passive self-doubting aspects of our personality. Communities and a society that is more at ease with itself would expect men and women of character to resolve problems of everyday life themselves, and would equally condemn those who constantly deferred to the authorities as being antisocial. Today, however, we are all being encouraged to act in an antisocial manner and demand antisocial behaviour orders on our neighbours and their children. Rather than looking someone in the eye and resolving the incivilities we often face, we can increasingly rely on the CCTV cameras to do this, or alternatively look to the community wardens, the neighbourhood police and the antisocial task force to resolve these problems for us. We are told to act responsibly, but are expected to call on others to be responsible for dealing with noisy neighbours or rowdy children. As this approach develops a new public mood is being created, a mood based on the notion of ‘safety first’ where an increasing number of people and problems become the concern of the police and local authorities. This weakened sense of individuals is a reflection of the political elite itself, which lacks the moral force and political direction that could help develop a sense of community. Ultimately, it is the crisis of politics that is the basis for the preoccupation with curtain-twitching issues – the product of an antisocial elite, which is ultimately creating a society in its own image.

Internet Personal Security Is Not Absolute Essay

Internet is the most trending and most widely used in today’s generation, either it is used for communication, used for sharing files and documents, for making new acquaintances, or just for own enjoyment. People can also use the internet when they want to socialize with others, when they want to share what’s on their mind and the on goings of their lives, when they want to know what the trending topics like news and scandals, or when they want to post some pranks or scum other people. Internet usability can either be a great help to everyone or it can impose a threat to someone or somebody. People think that when they post something online, whether it is good, bad, privately, or publicly, that information is safely sealed and secured. But the truth is, it can be freely access or easily steal from them. Hacking, viruses, trojans, and especially own self are some of the reasons that threaten internet security. Among all of these examples, hacking is on the top list. Even though there are some laws against hacking like the Republic Act No. 10175, also known as the Cybercrime Prevention Act of 2012, it is not enough assurance to protect the people against hackers and it doesn’t improve the internet security. Changes need to be made in the law to increase internet security, and find and punish cyber criminals. Additional laws to stop cybercriminals and necessary, unenforceable, and could infringe upon interest users rights to privacy and the growth of the internet. The issue here is that the internet security is not that secured for users or for people to rely upon. People can hide their files thoroughly or limit the number of people who can access his or her private account but sooner or later that information will be publish and revealed publicly with or without his or her approval. There are different explanations on why this information once hidden and now visible seen by many people, but the most common reason is that â€Å"your file/ information is being hacked†, it can be an expert hacker or you have been chosen for someone’s prank or hobby. In strict definition of â€Å"hacker†, according to Rouse, M. (October, 2006): â€Å"Hacker is a term for â€Å"a clever programmer† who wanted to break into someone’s computer systems. These are people who enjoy learning details of programming language or system. They want to further their knowledge and skills in a particular computer language. Typically, the hacker is either proficient programmer or engineer with technical knowledge on the weakness and vulnerability of the computer system. (Rouse, M. (October, 2006). Definition: hacker. Search Security. Retrieved on January 23, 2013 from http://searchsecurity.techtarget.com/definition/hacker).† Like the given definition, because of the hacker’s hobby of exploring and gaining more knowledge on his preferred programming language, he will not give a care on whose account he is butchering, as long as he increases his understanding and skills on his chosen subject. He will not consider if it is personally- owned or government-owned accounts, as long as it interests him, he will do anything on his power to hack that website. Like for example the issue of hacking some government and civil society websites in the Philippines. According to Kabiling, G. D. (October 2, 2012): â€Å"The Anonymous Philippines (as what the hackers describe theirselves) hacked different government and civil society websites, namely: Police Community Relations Group (PCRG) of the Philippine National Police (PNP), Maritime Industry Authority (Marina), Intellectual Property Office (IPO), and Department of the Interior and Local Government (DILG). The reason for their attacked is to voice out their pr otest and opinions on implementing the Cybercrime Prevention Act of 2012. (Kabiling, G. D. (October 2, 2012). More Gov’t Websites Hacked: Cybercrime law in effect starting Wednesday. Manila Bulletin Publishing Corporation. Retrieved on January 24, 2013 from http://www.mb.com.ph/articles/375681/more-gov-t-websites-hacked#.UQGDCScUuBw).† There is also a hacking issue on American banks, which according to Staff, R. (September 20, 2012): â€Å"The hacking of websites and corporate networks at Bank of America, JP Morgan Chase & Co and Citigroup began in late 2011 and escalated this year. According to one of their sources, the attacks were in response to U.S. sanctions on Iranian banks.† The two issues are both similar and different. It is similar because they reported about different hacker’s interfere someone’s computer system. Different because on the first issue, hacking the government websites, the hackers introduced their group and post the reason why they block the websites and on the second issue, the hacker denied their involvement even though many evidences are pointing towards them. Hacking is the most dangerous hobby. Even though the Philippine government implemented the Cybercrime Prevention Act of 2012, it cannot give assurance on protecting the people. The Philippine government must change this law and focus more on the most problematic cybercrime issues. Government must strengthen the internet security in order to lessen the attacks of the hackers to the innocent people who freely use the internet. And in order to accomplish the changes they must first know why the internet security is absolute? Who are the people affected and can use the internet security? How someone knows if the internet security they use can either be helpful or can trigger harm to them?

Required to undertake research on organisational texts or talkat work Paper

Required to undertake on organisational texts or talkat work. This will involve the collection and analysis of data (either audio recordings or other texts) - Research Paper Example The brand awareness has been enhanced by focusing on promotional activities. The promotional activity of Nestle Company for Maggi is to offer gifts in return for empty packet of noodle. The language that can be noticed from Maggi packaging is influential and persuasive which draws attention of people, specially working men and women, who have less time for cooking. There are different patterns of language that can be found in Maggi packaging which are effectively highlighted and presented in the paper. The approach that has been undertaken in this paper is based on discourse analysis. Visual and text elements that can be found on packaging of Maggi are being effectively analyzed in the research. The pictures of product packaging of Maggi have been taken personally. The packaging is described as the form of advertisement which uses integrated brand design. According to Polly Williams, associate creative director of Blue marlin Sydney states that food photography that has been presented in the packaging is to deliver speed, convenience customer ease to drive the intention household. The techniques that have been introduced in the literature of advertisement are based on looking at the usage of metaphors, narratives, texts and images. The feature of every packaging of products is based on depiction of happy and exultant atmosphere. One of the formidable barriers that multinational corporations like Nestle have to surmount is language. It is vital for businesses to decide and evaluate what patters of language that are required to be implemented for their packaging or product labels. Furthermore, corporations also have to notice the rate of adaptation of consumers towards the use of different patterns of language on `product packaging. According to Kotler, the emotion and perception of consumers can be heavily influenced by features of the packaging. Some of the

JAMES JOYCE Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

JAMES JOYCE - Research Paper Example In 1914 the short story Araby was published in the collection called Dubliners. From the first line of this story the readers can learn about the cheerless life he had in Nort Richmond Street. The main character is a boy. He lived with his uncle and aunt. The author emphasizes that only due to the inexhaustible energy and fantasy of kids the street that was really dark and sad, seemed full of light. He provides a very beautiful description of the life in the street and the feeling of children: â€Å"When the short days of winter came, dusk fell before we had well eaten our dinners. When we met in the street the houses had grown sombre. The space of sky above us was the colour of ever-changing violet and towards it the lamps of the street lifted their feeble lanterns. The cold air stung us and we played till our bodies glowed. Our shouts echoed in the silent street. The career of our play brought us through the dark muddy lanes behind the houses, where we ran the gauntlet of the roug h tribes from the cottages, to the back doors of the dark dripping gardens where odours arose from the ashpits, to the dark odorous stables where a coachman smoothed and combed the horse or shook music from the buckled harness† (Joyce). Children played the game that elucidated the street. The author wants the readers to understand how children see this world (Special issue on James Joyce). ... All their cries echoed in the secretive streets. The success of the game depends on children themselves. The children were eager to make a so-called career. Certainly, it was a very childlike career. The author depicted the indifference of kids to the adult world, but at the same time their great interest to it. They spied on the adult characters of the story, for example the uncle of the narrator and the sister of Mangan. The boys would like to get to know more about the opposite gender. For them it was something mysterious, something hidden and unknown. By spying they revealed the secrets of the adult life and world, which was very interesting for them (McCourt 3). The culmination episode connected with the romantic idealization of the sister of Mangan deserves special attention. The boy dreamt about her not even talking to her and maybe only children can dream this way: â€Å"her image accompanied me even in places the most hostile to romance†¦Her name sprang to my lips at m oments in strange prayers and praises which I myself did not understand. My eyes were often full of tears (I could not tell why) and at times a flood from my heart seemed to pour itself out into my bosom. I thought little of the future. I did not know whether I would ever speak to her or not or, if I spoke to her, how I could tell her of my confused adoration. But my body was like a harp and her words and gestures were like fingers running upon the wires† (Joyce, â€Å"Araby†). Their first meeting was also mysterious, maybe because a boy imagined it in his dreams all the time. It was a rainy evening, when the boy was along in the room. This room was soundless, dark and empty. He was full of imaginations. He constantly repeated the word

How can each of the five SLEPT macro-environment factors directly Essay

How can each of the five SLEPT macro-environment factors directly drive the content and services provided by a website - Essay Example It is through use of electronic means of communication that a lot of information reaches the target group not only in a local region but all over the world. SLEPT which stands for Social, legal, Economic, Political and Technological factors can directly propel the services and content provided by website (Tajes & Ortiz 2005). These factors are the micro-environment factors that influence any type of business. The business organization must conform to the changing trends of these factors to survive the harsh and competitive market. For instance when website owners develop keen interest in these micro-environmental factors they will definitely win the attention and trust of the many online customers they come across the internet. Each SLAPT factor drives the website services and content differently. Social factors such carry a lot of weight when it comes to the customer trend of purchasing products and utilizing services. In most cases social factors refer to alterations in society that can either promote or hinder a certain business. These changes include population, age and customer lifestyles. These demographic factors affect the buying design. Aware of these vital considerations, the website owners can take advantage of the type of customers using the internet services by advertising services and goods that draw the attention of these special users of internet (Tajes & Ortiz 2005). Legal factors form the second category of micro-environmental elements that boost website content and services. These factors relate to alterations in policies and regulations that surround commercial activities. Any business enterprise must carefully consider current laws and ordinances that must be practiced to keep the business legal (Tajes & Ortiz 2005). For example website owners must consider paying tax to smoothly run their businesses. Strict observation of taxation laws will always strengthen the image of the website content and services. Most

Archeology and History of the People Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Archeology and History of the People - Essay Example provides data and evidence that gives a unique perspective on history of human culture and other aspects, which has greatly contributed to a clear understanding of recent and ancient past. Archeology not only explores when and where humans lived, but also how and why they lived, which involves examination of cultures overtime through changes and patterns from when and how people came to inhabit a particular place, for instance, America. Archeology also explores and reveals information about origins of complex societies and other activities such as agriculture (Orser 102). History primarily relies on written documents and records to interpret great events, lives, which do not provide exclusive and conclusive information about history and culture of a people. On the other hand, archeology allows people to delve way back into the period before existence of written languages, and have a glimpse of everyday lives of these people through analysis of the tools they made and things they left behind. Similarly, archeology helps in understanding regions inhabited by people because it covers geographical regions, as well as all times periods. For example, through archeology, people have been able to understand the history and concepts of important topics such as Egyptian religion, colonial events in Jamestown Virginia, origins of agriculture in Near East, lives of Africans enslaved in North America, early Mediterranean trade routes and so on. Moreover archeology informs people about lives of families, individuals and even communities which would otherwise remain invisible to the current generation. Historical archeology, for instance, explores cultures that existed thousands of years ago or a period of recorded history in Old World, as well as a number of years ago in the... The paper explains the importance of this science. As the primary source of information of men's cultural evolution for long periods in the prehistoric times, archeology provides sustained efforts that has enabled tracing of man’s antiquity on the planet several years ago. This is achieved by the systematic study of fossils and tools embedded in terraces; through which humans can be able to learn the nature of mans implement of offence and defence, habitat, way of life and tool techniques. As such, archeology has achieved reconstruction of the Stone Age man’s environment, and also his adaptations and responses to the climate. For example, archeology has achieved reconstruction of proto-historic cultures of India, pushing back Indian Civilization from the Vedic period to about 3000B. Archeology not only provides primary source of the information on historical cultures of people, but also the supplementary source of the information. Evidently, it fills the gaps created by uncertainty found in the written documents and records about the historical period. For example, it provides valuable information about Ikshvaku dynasty, which had scrappy information before archeology came in. Likewise, archeology has revealed more information through excavations at Satanikota, Vijayapuri and Kaveripattanam, which show trade contacts with Romans during the early periods of Christian era.

The New Freedom, Chapter one The Older Changeth, Chapter VIII, Essay

The New Freedom, Chapter one The Older Changeth, Chapter VIII, Monopoly, Or Opportunity - Essay Example The other problem that comes in is lack of proper human relations. (Wilson 2). You will find that that the rule that governs us is at some point unrealistic since like for instance when workers are subjected to poor working conditions and in the process injuries occur the employee is not compensated since it is believed that the order did not come from the owners of the organization since it came from the minor supervisor. I term this to be negligence of the highest order. In this case the best thing that the government should do is to revise the constitution and amend such clauses in order to stabilize the situation and build a better working nation. The laws have also changed the system in a bigger way and the relations of the employer and the employee has become very hard to handle. Having a good relationship from the major stakeholders of an organization helps so much since the corporation between the employer and the employee gets better hence making the working conditions of the employer get easier and hence increasing the output. The best solution to such a problem is not changing the individual but by changing the whole system (Wilson 15). Â  President Wilson says that for those less privileged with less capital find it very difficult to catch up with the economy since they cannot be able to compete with the big investors. The reason behind this is because the laws that govern us do not fight for the less privileged this will lead to only the usual great investors will dominate the economy. The middle class is affected by the process of prosperity which is not originating (Wilson 26). The modern trust comes in with monopolies and they have come up through the enlargement of business conditions in the United States. The trusts were not developed in the past and they are being used in the modern industries. Trust is formed when people do their best to promote it. It is well known that the lawyers

Journal research Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Journal research - Essay Example The introduction gave a brief description of body mass index ( BMI) as a measure for obesity.The historical background of the research is focused on the increased cardiovascular risk for obese children. The importance of measuring BMI and its validity in establishing obesity was a good platform in establishing a good hypothesis. The study was conducted no less than one of the authors ( Pietrobeli) with another group of researchers. Studies citing complications that arose from obese children in a 40 yr follow-up study by Jacques et al in was presented. Accordingly, the study by Jacques revealed that childhood obesity did not only result to diabetes but led to increased mortality due to coronary artery disease as well. The present study hypothesized that early childhood obesity along with a sedentary lifestyle increases the risk for diseases such as type 2 diabetes and cardiovascular diseases. This translates to higher incidence of mortality when these children become adults. For the methods section, a comparative survey that compares the BMI across teens in the US was used. The cited study was done by Lissau et al published in 2003. The method engaged was a cross-comparison of incidence of obesity in teens in US against teens in Europe. The comparison resulted to the conclusion that occurrence of obesity in US teens is three times higher than European counterparts. Unfortunately, much cannot be said about statistical data since the study was just referenced in the journal Much of the given conclusions were summaries of compiled studies. In fact, the journal is more like of an informative and persuasive article that warns the public of the dangers of childhood obesity. The journal also comments on what directions , programs and policies that European Commission must do so that European teens would not experience same situation as American teens. The suggestions posed by the researchers were interventions

What would be the risk to society if doctors were to participate in Research Paper

What would be the risk to society if doctors were to participate in physician-assisted suicide - Research Paper Example ss negligence on their part or even a sinful act which shall deter the basis of growth and harmony across the ranks within the society (Donnelly, 1998). The doctors have to be answerable to the society for all their acts and if they commit their own selves within such domains, then there would be no one to find out the true sanctity that is related with this profession. The physician-assisted suicide is essentially an act that must be abhorred from the outset of such discussions as it disqualifies as a morally acceptable act at any cost (Gorsuch, 2006). This is much needed because it sets the basis of finding out where anomalies happen and how these could be avoided so that the essence of a true civilized society remains in tact no matter how difficult the times might become. The doctors must comprehend that their duty is much more than just healing. They have to be accountable to their conscience as

F and B Service Essay Example for Free

F and B Service Essay |Current Competencies of the Trainee|Proof of Evidence |Required Competencies/Learning Outcome |Training Gaps* |Required Modules for Training |Duration ( | |as a Food and Beverage Server | | | | |Hrs.) | |TC |EC |AA |NC |OTS | | | | | |Knows how to deliver food and beverage to guests. | | | | | |Provide A Link to Kitchen and Service Areas †¢ Liaise between kitchen and service areas. †¢ Clean and clear food service areas. |Provide A Link to Kitchen and Service Areas †¢ Liaise between kitchen and service areas. †¢ Clean and clear food service areas. |Provide A Link to Kitchen and Service Areas †¢ Liaising between kitchen and service areas. †¢ Cleaning and clearing food service areas. |40 | | | | | | | |Provide Food and Beverage Service †¢ Prepare dining/restaurant area for service. †¢ Prepare and set tables. †¢ Welcome customers. †¢ Take and process orders. †¢ Serve and clear food and drinks. †¢ Close down restaurant/dining area. |Provide Food and Beverage Service †¢ Prepare dining/restaurant area for service. †¢ Prepare and set tables. †¢ Welcome customers. †¢ Take and process orders. †¢ Serve and clear food and drinks. †¢ Close down restaurant/dining area. |Provide Food and Beverage Service †¢ Preparing dining/restaurant area for service. †¢ Preparing and setting tables. †¢ Welcoming customers. †¢ Taking and processing orders. †¢ Serving and clearing food and drinks. †¢ Closing down restaurant/dining area. |160 | | | | | | | |Provide Room Service †¢ Take and process room service orders. †¢ Set-up trays and trolleys. †¢ Present room service meals and beverages to guests. †¢ Present room service accounts. †¢ Clear room service areas. |Provide Room Service †¢ Take and process room service orders. †¢ Set-up trays and trolleys. †¢ Present room service meals and beverages to guests. †¢ Present room service accounts. †¢ Clear room service areas. |Provide Room Service †¢ Taking and processing room service orders. †¢ Setting-up trays and trolleys. †¢ Presenting room service meals and beverages to guests. †¢ Presenting room service accounts. †¢ Clear room service areas. |90 | | | | | | | |Develop and Update Food and Beverage Knowledge †¢ Research general information on food and beverage cocktails . †¢ Share information with customers. |Develop and Update Food and Beverage Knowledge †¢ Research general information on food and beverage cocktails . †¢ Share information with customers. |Develop and Update Food and Beverage Knowledge †¢ Researching general information on food and beverage cocktails . †¢ Sharing information with customers. |10 | |LEGEND: TC: Training Certificate EC: Employer’s Certificate, AA: Attestation by an Association, NC: National Certificate, OTS: Others *Indicate a check mark against the required competencies column to include the training gap of the participants.

The Crucible, written by Arthur Miller Essay Example for Free

The Crucible, written by Arthur Miller Essay We soon see another side to Hale. Abigail mentions Tituba and Hale requests to see her. Hale is quite convinced on meeting Tituba that she is compacting with the Devil and that she has bewitched Betty. He orders Tituba to wake her but when Tituba says she cannot Hale turns angrier and Parris threatens her with whipping. It is not long until Tituba is drawn into making accusations with Abigail and certain names get repeated. Hale is now convinced that the work of the Devil is going on in Salem At the end of Act One, we see how much Hale has a very strong belief in God and that God is with the people of Salem because he announces, Glory to God! It is broken, they are free! Hale enters Act Two at the end. He is drawn a little, and there is a quality of deference, even of guilt about his manner now. He explains how the girls have mentioned Rebecca Nurse and he has just come from her house. He is now on the outside, absolutely certain that it is the work of the Devil going on in Salem, No man may longer doubt the powers of dark are gathered in monstrous attack upon this village. There is too much evidence now to deny it. However, I do feel that Hale is torn between what he feels emotionally, that so many outrageous accusations are being made and therefore something is wrong, and what he feels he must do, keep looking for signs of the Devil in the people of Salem. At the end of Act Two, we see Herrick come to the Proctor household. He has come to arrest Elizabeth by order of the court. Hale seems shocked and speaks with uncertainty about Elizabeths link with the Devil but goes on trusting that God will prevail, I shall pray God open up our eyes. In Act Three Hale has changed somewhat. Hale is not convinced at all with Elizabeth Proctors link with the Devil and also with many other people being held by the court. He is now starting to think and speak what the audience reading the play would be thinking and saying. When Elizabeth Proctor defends her husbands name by lying in the court, Hale cries out, Excellency, it is a natural lie to tell: I beg you stop now before another is condemned! This means that Hale thinks that the people who have been condemned are innocent and it cannot go on. He speaks exactly what everyone reading the play will be thinking in their heads. By the end of Act Three I dont think that there is any doubt I the readers head and that of Hales that the witchcraft is being made up and that Abigail is behind the hysteria. This girl has always struck me false! Abigail begins to twist the court away from believing Proctors and Mary Warrens story when they are summoned to the court to talk about the Poppet. She starts to scream and point at the ceiling, insisting that there is a yellow bird up there. The other girls soon follow suit and start to pretend as well. Mary Warren cannot handle this and soon returns to the group of girls where she feels safer. She now lays an accusation of witchcraft on to Proctor. (pointing at Proctor): Youre the Devils man! Hale once again speaks for the audience, You cannot believe them! I see nothing, Your Honour! and Excellency, this childs gone wild! Hale sees that everyone has been engulfed by this mass hysteria and so he walks out of court, he doesnt want to be involved in these false accusations any longer. I denounce these proceedings I quit this court! In Act Four, Hale is no longer the strong, influential character he was at the beginning of the play. He is now trying to get the convicted prisoners to confess so as to save their lives. I think this perhaps show some guilt on Hales head. He was drawn into believing the accusations and freely did his job, basically condemning people to death. Hale asks the people to abandon their principles and confess.

Police UK Force

Police UK Force Evaluating the Moral Justification of Force in the UK Police Consequentialism and the Use of Deadly Force Among Police Personnel in the UK Against a backdrop of a democratic society, the use of deadly force by the police in countries such as the UK seems implausible for human rights activists. First, police officers are expected to uphold the human rights of every individual hence, civilian rights are always preserved even in criminal cases where the due process of law is considered to be the golden standard in the judicial system. Thus, threading the line between regulations and policies of the agency as well as the ethical and moral dilemma in the use of deadly force predisposes police officers to question the legitimacy as well as the moral justifications in their use of deadly force. While several philosophical theorists have argued for different justifications through philosophical theories, the theory of consequentialism appears to be the one that closely justifies the use of deadly force among the police. Before examining the moral and ethical arguments for the use of deadly force using the consequentialist paradigm, let us first examine the important aspects of deadly force and the use of it by the UK police. First, deadly force as defined by Geller and Scott (23) pertains to the force reasonably capable of causing death or bodily harm. According to this definition, an act that can kill should be consumated before it can be considered as a deadly force hence; threats are not considered to be within the parameters of this scope. The use of deadly force according to Kappeler, Kraska and Marron (3) falls within emergency situations such as in hostage taking, shooting randomly, pursuance of a police officer of unarrested criminal and other similar incidences. Consequently, in the UK, police officers are given the discretion to determine if the suspect poses a threat to the police officer or the public. In the pursuit of these suspects, police officers are given the power to use deadly force through probably cause of harm. The courts decide whether the use of deadly force is justified or not and in some cases, police officers are charged because their use of deadly force is considered to be unjustifiable. Hence, there is a very thin line separating the justification of the use of deadly force from an act that is unjustified. The ethical and moral dilemma of police officers therefore rests not only on the regulations of their agency but on their analytical and ethical decision. Thus, the pursuit of the philosophical theory that can best justify the use of deadly force ensues. Consequentialism has been considered as one of the more important theories in justifying the use of deadly force by the police primarily because of its consideration of the consequences of a given act. In contrast with other theories that uses the nature of the act itself (deontology) or the goodness of the wrongness of the act or whether it is a good virtue or not (virtue ethics), consequentialism considers the aggregate value of the act based on the summation of its consequences- if it benefits the greater number of people, then it is considered to be morally justifiable. It should be noted that consequentialism has different forms such as the act consequentialism and the rule consequentialism. In this paper both types of consequentialism will be explored. The Ethico-Moral Principles of Consequentialism: Implications in Use of Force First, the use of deadly force is essential in policing and in providing a higher value for the consequences of the actions. Some writers do posit that the use of force is essential and central in policing. Skolnick and Fyfe, in their recent book on the topic, frankly contend: No matter how many warnings may be issued by superiors about limitations on the use of force, no matter how much talk about policing as a profession, police training continually reminds recruits that coercive power is a central feature of police life. (Skolnick and Fyfe, 95) They claim that such force will remain an inevitable component of policing.(Skolnick and Fyfe, 37) Vance McLaughlin similarly asserts that although the use of force by police is not as frequent as the public may imagine, police officers routinely use force to carry out their role as enforcers. His view is that the use of force is inherent in the profession just as legitimate force is an essential ingredient in maintaining an ordered society (McLaughlin, 1). Accordingly, in every nation today, law enforcement officers possess the right to use force (McLaughlin, 7) Lawrence Sherman maintains a comparable perspective in saying: Force is the essence of criminal justice, just as the monopoly on the legitimate use of force is the essence of the nation-state (Sherman, 37). Second, the use of force by the police is legitimized by the concept of the greater good for the greatest number- a concept that is used not only in democratic countries such as the UK but also in moral arguments. For instance, several studies both in domestic and international political and security arena have provided extensive justifications for the use of force using the consequentialist paradigm. For instance, in the study of Whitley (24), the author argued that preventive war to crimes produces more good than evil and hence, similar to the study of Yoo (730), the use of force is self-defense and in defense of society is a just war and is therefore legitimate. Hence, in the same vein, any person who is poised to commit a crime against the society necessarily invokes the right of governing institutions such as the police force to enforce security and safety of the greater good. Within this argument, the virtue of an act or the use of force by the police is justified by the preser vation of security within the society. This argument presupposes that the consequence of the use of force by the police would lead to greater security and hence, deterrence of violence which leads to better quality of life for the people in this case, British citizens. The use of force by the UK police was born out of threats to public safety. Neyroud (252-253) outlining the history of the UK police force has argued that the baton-days before the 1980s was inadequate in protecting the public against public criminals such as in the case of the Hungerford Shootings and the Thames Valley where an armed man started to shoot in random killing two person and one injury. Hence, according to Neyroud (253), the public expectations of the police and the use of force has been a dilemma for the UK police- is the use of deadly force justified? Accordingly, according to the Thames Valley Police (1) argued that it is justified because it protected not only the police officers but also the public. This kind of threat cannot be allowed in a society because it lessens the confidence of the people on the police as well as on their own neighborhood. Hence, shooting a person who is out to kill others by virtue of the consequence of killing innocent people and police of ficers is justified because the death of the criminal would mean sparing the lives of innocent people and in the process restoring the peace needed by the greater number of people. Third, the use of deadly force by the police is justified because of the framework of defending ones self and defending others within the society. Within this frame, Kaufman (24) argues that the morality of people is subjected to a higher authority- in this case, the police force represents the society to which social contract is established among its citizens. According to Gentili (16), regulations are always backed with force- this type of force whether deadly or not is legitimate because people who have committed crimes to others and the society ultimately obliterate their human rights. Hence, in violating the rights of others and the public, criminals who are subjected to the use of deadly force essentially, forego their own human rights. Hence, while even the UN Charter would consider the use of deadly force as the last resort, it recognizes that political and judicial means are not always responsive in defending its citizens thus, the inherent use of deadly force in self-defens e cases are permitted (Yoo, 738). Consequently, the use of deadly force is more prevalent in the United States than in the UK because of the reason of self-defense. The use of deadly force is mostly applied to cases considered to be of extreme nature such as the murder of police officers, firearm robberies and homicide of the general population (Parent, 230). Within the consequentialism paradigm, the consequence of self-defense is morally justifiable because the police use of force is within the boundaries of their discretion- it is easier for the society to accept the shooting of the criminal who is about to kill a police officer or an innocent bystander than the police officer or the bystander being killed by the offender (Levy, 28). Similarly, consequentialism justifies the use of force through the argument that its use can deter the incidence of crime for the greater good of society. For instance, consequentialism is an agent-neutral term (Huigens, 944) that judges an action based on the value of a decision. For instance, if a police officer shoots a hostage taker, the police officer is essentially choosing between the life of the innocent hostage and the hostage taker. In these cases, the decision is weighed based on the value of the decision for the persons involved and the society in general. The dilemma for the police officer therefore is whether to risk the life of the hostage victim or take action and shoot the hostage taker. While negotiations in this type of situations are first used, the use of deadly force is considered as an important last resort if all things fail. As long as the police officer had exhaustive other means, then, the use of deadly force does not violate the protocols of police power a nd regulations in UK policing. Fourth, the use of deadly force is not used in the consequentialist theory sparingly but rather on the grounds that the consequence is still the best alternative. For instance, Paul Ramsey (144), a thinker who often concentrates on war issues rather backhandedly mentions the police when illustrating just war principles. Ramsey argues that the just use of political violence in warfare must include two principal elements: 1) a specific justification for sometimes killing another human being; and 2) severe and specific restrictions upon anyone who is under the hard necessity of doing so. Both are exhibited, says Ramsey (144) in the use of force proper to the domestic police power. Accordingly, police officers distinguish between aggressor, victim, and bystanders; and though an officer may hit some innocent party accidentally, it would never be right for him or her to enlarge the target and deliberately, or directly, kill any number (Ramsey, 187). Ramsey grounds this justification of such limited use of force upon what he identifies as social charity, in which the Christian, or anyone else for that matter, is called to love the neighbor by protecting him or her from the other aggressive neighbor who has chosen to become an enemy. Although Christians are called to love the enemy as well, Ramsey asserts that when choice must be made between the perpetrator of injustice and the many victims of it, the latter may and should be preferredeven if effectively to do so would require the use of armed force against some evil power (Ramsey, 143) In this way, Ramsey maintains that restraint in the use of force is still necessary in order to respect and, indeed, love the alleged perpetrator. While this is the only point at which Ramsey devotes any attention to the context of law enforcement, it is noteworthy that it is a pivotal illustration upon which he bases the rest of his work concerning the justification of war. The use of force often reflects an on-the-spot decision made by the police officer on the scene. The officer must quickly assess the situation and take proper action. So many factors may come into play that guidelines, restrictions, and laws may seem too vague to be of practical use to the officer; the use of force is thus difficult to control.(Skolnick and Fyfe, 38) Yet, with more and more precision and uniformity, most recent guidelines and laws attempt to check excessive force and provide assistance to police by admonishing them that they should use no more force than is necessary or reasonable or that such force should be used only as a last resort. In this way, they echo the language of just war thinking, with its fundamental posture of restraint. The final criterion comes under the heading of right consequences in an objective sense, which is the goal or end that is sought. This is usually justified in terms of the global common good. It ordinarily consists in bringing about a lasting peace, and also includes consideration of the enemys real best interests. In the case of police, Malloy maintains that they may use the full force available to them only when they are convinced that the common good is being served (Malloy, 14). Therefore, the most objective goal of any officer in a physical confrontation is to have an opponent cease and desist from further resistance (McLaughlin, 85 ) The test of such a stance is taking someone as prisoner or, in other words, arresting him rather than using more force than is necessary. The best interests of all, including the alleged perpetrators, are to be kept in view, thereby maintaining the overall common good of society. The use of force should be used only with the greatest restraint and only after discussion, negotiation and persuasion have been found to be inappropriate or ineffective. While the use of force is occasionally unavoidable, every police officer will refrain from unnecessary infliction of pain or suffering and will never engage in cruel, degrading or inhuman treatment of any person. Hence, the use of deadly force as a last resort by the police involves due process or procedural integrity that qualifies both ad bellum and in bello criteria. On this criterion, sufficient time should be allowed for processes of negotiation and the exercise of diplomacy. Applying this notion to the police predicament, officers should exhaust all other possible methods for controlling a conflictive situation before resorting to the more severe levels of force.(Malloy, 13) Only when all else fails should a police officer resort to a higher degree of force. Admittedly, this is an onerous call for the police officer to make in a tense situation, such as a domestic conflict. Yet, this is precisely why there is a need for clearer principles and rules, as well as prior training to clarify and instill them. Implications on Act Consequentialism and Rule Consequentialism Consequentialism contends that an act is justified if the consequence is greater than the product if the deadly force has not been committed. Police officers who usually fall into the dilemma of using deadly force can use the philosophical ground of consequentialism as a rationale or justification for their decisions. However, police officers should be cautious in doing so. First, rule consequentialism necessitates that the police officer considers not only the consequence of the action but also the regulations of the UK police force. In doing so, it is important that police officers studies the protocols governing emergency situations where the discretion of police officers is called upon to decide whether the use of deadly force is necessary or not. Cases have it that there is a very thin line separating the legitimacy or the rightness and wrongness of a police officers decision to use deadly force. Hence, police officers would need to quickly appraise the situation vis a vis the regulations of the agency. On the other hand, act consequentialism would consider that the use of deadly force is justified only if it is morally right and if the act maximizes the good. Hence, it is important that the consequence of the action would yield greater good than harm to the personsl involved. An important philosophical discussion in this would be, on what perspective would the consequence be considered as maximized? The answer would be to the society. The society is considered as the barometer of the goodness or the wrongness of an act. Considering the greatest consequence would be to consider to the fate of the society. If for instance, a police officer shoots at a person who is shooting randomly, the police officer would be more or less justified in shooting down the person in order to save his self and the innocent citizens. Second, rule consequentialism considers the use of deadly force as the last resort in dealing with emergency cases. For instance, in hostage taking, the use of negotiations and diplomacies are considered to be the primary criteria among the police officers. The use of deadly force is only considered as a last resort or when all other means have been exhausted and failed. Police agency protocols also calls for the same prioritization. On the other hand, act utilitarianism would consider the maximal impact of the act. For instance, if the act had greater value for the society, then, it is considered to be good. Consequentialism would consider that police officers are capable of fulfilling the training and the analytic requirements in order to make a morally justifiable claim or decision would be explored in the next chapter. References Kaufman, Whitley. Whats Wrong with Preventive War? the Moral and Legal Basis for the Preventive Use of Force. Ethics and International Affairs. Volume 19: Issue 3. 23-30, 2005. Yoo, John. Using Force. University of Chicago Law Review 71 (Summer 2004), pp. 729-345. Neyroud, Peter. Use of Force. Policing. Volume 1, Issue 3: 252-254, 2007. Gentili, Alberto. De Jure Belli Libri Tres (1612), trans. John C. Rolfe (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1933), bk. I, ch. XIV. Levy, S., The Educational Equivalence of Act and Rule Utilitarianism†, in Hooker, Mason, and Miller, (eds.), pp.   27-39, 2000. Parent, Rick. The Police Use of Deadly Force: International Comparisons. Volume 79, Issue 3: 230-237, 2006. Huigens, Kyron. The Dead End of Deterrence, and Beyond. Wlliam and Mary Law Review. Volume 41, Issue 3. 943-957, 2000. Geller, W.A., and M.S. Scott. Deadly Force: What We Know. Washington, DC: Police Executive Research Forum, 1992. Kappeler, V.E., Kraska, P.B. and Marron, J.E. â€Å"Police Policing Themselves: The Processing of Excessive Force Complaints.† Paper, Academy of Criminal Justice Sciences, Boston, MA, March 1995. Ramsey, Paul. The Just War: Force and Political Responsibility 144 pages, 1968. Skolnick, J. and Fyfe, J. Above the Law: Police and Excessive Use of Force, 1993. McLaughlin, V. Police and the Use of Force: the Savannah Study, 1992. Sherman, L. Ethics in Criminal Justice Education, 1982. Malloy, E. The Ethics of Law Enforcement and Criminal Punishment, 1982.

Government and Politics - We Need Election Reform in America Essay

"Knowledge will forever govern ignorance, and a people who mean to be their own governors, must arm themselves with the power knowledge gives. A popular government without popular information or the means of acquiring it, is but a prologue to a farce or a tragedy or perhaps both." -- James Madison ("Focus" 1) The United States has strived to be a true democracy, a place in which the citizens are free to govern themselves, since its inception. For a democracy to work, the citizens must remain knowledgeable and elections must remain unbiased. Our current system of electing presidents fails in both of these regards: citizens are only given two choices that stand any chance of winning and their decisions between those two candidates are influenced not by knowledge, but instead by what they have seen on thirty second television commercials. In order to break up the complete political monopoly the Democrat and Republican Parties have on the United States, we as Americans need to reform our presidential elections so that third party and independent candidates have a legitimate chance of holding offices and so that citizens are able to vote on the candidates based on their political beliefs rather than on their ability to fundraise and advertise. Similar reforms should be made to the elections fo r other offices as well at the federal, state and local levels. The ideas and arguments presented in this paper can be applied to American elections in general although, because of the small scope of this paper, they only speak of the presidential elections. A candidate cannot legitimately compete in modern American elections without being able to finance a huge television advertising campaign. Commercials have become an integral part of our... ...Democrats and Republicans hold in this country would allow candidates with fresh ideas and new ways of dealing with old problems to take office. Through these new representatives, our government will become healthier and better able to adapt to today's changing political environment. Sources Cited Basham, Patrick. "The Illiberal Reality of European-Style Campaign Reform." http://www.cato.org/dailys/03-13-02.html. Donnis, Ian. "In Whose Interest?" http://www.bostonphoenix.com/boston/news_features/other_stories/multi-page/documents/02552297.htm. Targonski, Rosalie. http://usinfo.state.gov/products/pubs/archive/elect00/primer.htm. "Focus - Freedom of Press and Information." http://usembassy.state.gov/islamabad/wwwhircalert0702.html Associated Press. http://www.usatoday.com/news/opinion/e1598.htm. CNN. http://www.cnn.com/ELECTION/2000/results/.

affirmative action :: essays research papers

Webster’s New World Dictionary definition of affirmative action is ‘a policy or program for correcting the effects of discrimination in the employment or education of members of certain groups.’ President Lyndon B. Johnson issued the Executive Order 11246 requiring federal contractors to use affirmative action to increase the number of minorities that are employed. He also created the Office or Federal Contract Compliance Programs (OFCCP) which set out to find the exact meaning of ‘Affirmative Action’ (Woods). Affirmative action is supposed to create ways for people to experience equal opportunities in the work place and for students wanting to go to college. However, while creating equal opportunities for some, it discriminated against others. With the passing of the Civil Rights Act in 1964, many corporations created new ways of going around affirmative action without creating a lot of attention. Some companies created programs that would make it harder for minorities to get . One company, Duke Power Company of North Carolina, created a rule where in order to be considered for a promotion, you had to have been a high school graduate and pass 2 tests that were administered. These qualifications were mainly for the labor divisions which consisted of mainly black men. The problem being at the time only 12% of the black in North Carolina had passed high school, meaning they would not be eligible for the promotions. In 1961 it was taken to the Supreme Court and the 9 Justices unanimously agreed that this was a form a discrimination against blacks (Woods). Besides employees, students applying for college were being affected greatly. The affirmative action programs were becoming the basis for admission to college. This was creating unfair advantages of minorities over others. One man who felt this way was Allan Burke. Burke a 35 year old man decided to attend medical school. He applied to many schools, but was turned down because of his age. One school he applied at was University of California at Davis. The application contained a section that read, ‘Applicants from economically and educationally disadvantaged backgrounds are evaluated by a special subcommittee of the admissions committee.’ Whoever checked this was evaluated by a special task force which was created to bring in more minority students.

Pollution Essay examples -- essays research papers

Pollution has become a major issue over the years because it contaminates the Earth’s environment and affects human health. While some environmental pollution is a result of natural causes such as volcanic eruptions, most is caused by human activities. The increase of various types of pollution has made cancer pollutant more prevalent among the people, raising the risk of getting cancer. After being exposed to theses pollutants, the effects may be immediate or delayed. Some of the delayed effects, due to the exposure, can go unnoticed for many years. Another major issue that pollution creates is the tremendous cost for preventing and cleaning it up. However, we can not regulate the pollutants to the extent where there are no more possible threats. The most we can do is to minimize the effects of the potential risks, which we may encounter as a society. We can approach this matter by conducting different types of test from animal studies and epidemiological studies.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  To regulate pollution, we first have to have an idea of what type of effects it will have on the general population and then determine the acceptable amount of exposure level. Since the specific risk here is that the individual will get cancer, after being exposed to a pollutant, possibly leading to their death, we have to consider a few factors such as age, sex, and their health status. Depending on how old the person is, if they are relatively young then he or she may not be affected by the pollutant because their immune system can probably fight off the pathogens. Gender can also make a difference, since males and females have different biological anatomies, thus the pollutant may be resistant to females but not the males or vice versa. Finally, the health status of a person also has to be considered. If a person is healthy and fit then maybe age might not matter and it will decrease their potential threat from the pollutant. After all of these factors are take n into account we have to regulate the carcinogenic pollutant and determine an acceptable level of risk. To determine what the effects are after an individual has been exposed to this pollutant and gets cancer, we can perform animals or epidemiological studies. Even though the animal studies will not be deterministic since we are not using human subjects to collect the data, it will give us an idea on how a... ... an acceptable exposure level; again this can not be done without some degree of subjectivity. As a result, I believe that an appropriate exposure level to cancer, due to this pollutant, should be one in a million. This is acceptable because every one person out of a million that is affected by this pollutant can get treated and cared for. By setting it at this level I think that there it would eliminate the shortage problems at hospital or at any care centers when providing treatments to the infected people. Thus, everyone who gets cancer from this pollutant will have the opportunity to take care of themselves and not have to worry about the lack of resources.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Everyone takes risk in particularly in everything they do. The best thing to do is minimize the effects of the risks as much as possible. The cancer causing pollutant in this case can be regulated by using some type of preventive measures. Without being oblivious about the moral issues, we have to set certain risks and exposure level of the pollutant. I set my risks and exposure level after determining several issues and came to conclusion after what I thought was the most optimal conditions.